Aleksandra Duric-Milovanovic

Contemporary Religious Transformations in Multicultural Environment: Neo-Protestant Communities in Vojvodina (Serbia)

Aleksandra Duric-Milovanovic - Research Fellow at the Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts. saskadjuric@yahoo.com

During the last decades religion has faced significant changes and the number of new religions increased in post-communist countries of Eastern and Central Europe. In Serbia, these changes led to new legal frameworks for both traditional churches and new religious communities. Although neo-Protestant communities were founded in the late 19th and the beginning of 20th centuries, they could be classified as "new religions" since they became more visible after the fall of communism. Neo-Protestants have spread their teachings in ethnically and confessional heterogeneous environments, such as the northern Serbian province of Vojvodina, and especially among ethnic minorities. Unlike mostly homogenous traditional communities in Serbia, neo-Protestants emphasize the principle of trans-ethnicity and trans-nationalism. This paper shows the dynamics of neo-Protestant communities in the region as well as changes that occurred in

The article was sent to the editor by the author.

This work is part of a study conducted during the writing of his doctoral dissertation "Romanians-neo-Protestants in Vojvodina: at the intersection of religious and ethnic identity" (Belgrade, 2012). Some parts of the article contain slightly modified excerpts from the dissertation. The work was carried out within the framework of the project of the Institute of Balkan Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts "Danube and the Balkans: Cultural and Historical heritage" (N 177 006), implemented with the financial support of the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia.

page 93
religious identities of the converts. The paper also indicates how religious transformations lead to diversification within a community that seems mono-ethnic and mono-confessional.

Keywords: neo-Protestantism, evangelization, conversion, multi-ethnic environments, Vojvodina.

Introduction

IN the second half of the 19th century, the first neo-Protestants appeared among the Orthodox population of the Austro-Hungarian Empire-Nazarenes 1, who received the name "Novovertsy". At that time, it was still impossible to foresee that their appearance would be the beginning of a significant change in the religious situation in this region of Europe. It was the Nazarenes who opened the way for the formation of similar religious movements associated with the radical branches of the Reformation, especially Anabaptism and German pietism. The emergence of other neo-Protestant communities on the territory of Vojvodina-Baptists, Adventists, Methodists, and Pentecostals-contributed to the growing religious heterogeneity of society during a period marked by dramatic changes, and in "a space in which various cultural, social, political, and religious traditions met, intertwined, and developed."2.In addition to the term "non-Protestant", the terms "Evangelical" or "Protestant"are also used to refer to most of the above-mentioned communities.

The emergence of evangelical religious communities in the late 19th and early 20th centuries was due to the peculiarities of the social environment in which the first converted believers and missionaries operated. Thus, religious life in the 19th century was characterized by the separation of believers from the official church, the separation of church and state, as well as the emergence of new religious communities focusing on personal life.

1. Here we are talking about adherents of the "Christian Community of Nazarenes", belonging to the Apostolic Christian Church (Nazarene).

2. Алексов Б. Назарени Mehy Србима: верска трвеœа у јужној Угарској и Србији од 1850. until 1914. Beograd: Zavod za uбBenike, 2010. p. 12.

page 94
religiosity 3. According to historian Hugh McLeod, this was a period of both secularization and a revival of religion, as many people moved away from the established church, increasingly joining new, primarily neo-Protestant communities.4 The growth in the number of new religions and various evangelical and charismatic communities over the course of the twentieth century has shown that "religious affiliation is less often determined by origin"5. Secularization has made religion "a free choice of the individual, not something that is inherited, and this has actually contributed, at least in the early stages, to the release of the new potential of religion"6. Although the thesis of secularization and the weakening of the influence of religion was very popular in the 50s and 60s of the XX century, now theorists are increasingly talking about the" defects " of the secularization paradigm. Thus, Peter Berger notes that in contrast to the opinion that is widely held and developed by many analysts, the modern world is more religious than secular.7 Jose Casanova agrees that "the paradigm of secularization was the main theoretical framework through which social sciences considered the relationship between religion and modernity"; he believes that, despite some ambiguity in the definition of the term, the concept of "secularization" is not outdated, but should be revised to better analyze the dynamics of religion in different countries. parts of the world 8. According to the ideas of some sociologists, such as Christian Parker, secularization theories did not take into account the changes that occurred in the religion itself when it came into contact with modernity.9 Some of these changes consisted of moving people away from the established church

3. Parker, С. (1998) "Modern Popular Religion. A Complex Object of Study for Sociology", International Sociology 13 (2): 195 - 212.

4. Mcleod, H. (1990) Religion and the People of Western Europe, 1789 - 1989. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

5. Ервије-Леже Д. Преношеœе религиозних идентитета. Идентитет (и). Појединац, група, друштво. Beograd: Klio Publ., 2009, p. 181.

6. Алексов Б. Назарени меhу Србима: верска трвеœа у јужној Угарској и Србији од 1850 до 1914. C. 18.

7. Berger, Р. (2008) Desekularizacija sveta - ozivljavanje religije i svetska politika, p. 11 - 31. Novi Sad: Mediterran Publishing.

8. Casanova, J. (1994) Public Religions in the Modern World, p. 211. Chicago: Chicago University Press.

9. Parker, C. (1998) Modern Popular Religion. A Complex Object of Study for Sociology, pp. 195 - 212.

page 95
and joining new religious communities that focus on personal religiosity.

In contrast to the old approaches, the concept of desecularization, or even sacralization, has emerged, which means the process by which religion becomes increasingly important both in society and in people's lives.10 The rise of some traditional religions, such as Islam, and the emergence of new forms of religiosity are just some of the changes that have taken place in the religious sphere in the 20th century. The deterritorialization and spread of religions in parts of the world where they were previously unknown are the result of the influence of globalization on religion, which can be said to have "accelerated" the formation of a new religiosity and contributed to the public awareness of the significance and ubiquity of religion. One of the best examples of the impact of globalization on religion is provided by David Martin, who talks about the expansion of Pentecostalism and evangelical Christianity in the world11. Paul Freston believes that evangelical Christianity is characterized by the intertwining of local and global. Thus, Pentecostal churches, according to Freston, are "local expressions of global culture that are created in parallel, dispersed, and form international networks that include diverse movements." 12 The growth of Pentecostalism observed since the mid-twentieth century is one of the most striking changes in the modern religious world.13 According to Simon Coleman, the growth in the number of members of neo-Protestant religious communities (including Pentecostals) is influenced by the following factors: "strong missionary support provided to communities by society, widespread loss of faith in secularism,

10. Vudhed, L. (2009) "Sekularizacija i sakralizacija", Religije sveta, p. 445 - 447. Beograd: Mladinska knjiga.

11. Martin, D. (2008) "Porast evangelizma i njegove politicke implikacije", in Berger, P. (ed.) Desekularizacija sveta - ozivljavanje religije i svetska politika, p. 51. Novi Sad: Mediterran Publishing.

12. Freston, P. (1997) "Charismatic Evangelicals in Latin America: Mission and Politics on the Frontiers of Protestant Growth", in Hunt, S., Hamilton, M. and Walter, T. (eds) Charismatic Christianity. Sociological Perspectives, p. 185. New York: St. Martin's Press.

13. Freston, P. "Charismatic Evangelicals in Latin America: Mission and Politics on the Frontiers of Protestant Growth", p. 52

page 96
the willingness of members of Christian communities to use modern technologies to spread their teachings " 14.

In the post-communist countries of Eastern and Central Europe, the situation in the religious sphere has changed significantly in recent decades: traditional churches have faced new challenges, and the number of new religious movements has grown. In a space long separated from the West by the iron curtain of communism, the spread of "Christian truth" was a welcome event for many evangelically oriented religions. In the new social circumstances, the presence of neo-Protestant communities became more noticeable, which influenced the formation of a new attitude towards them on the part of the state. According to the sociologist of religion Mirko Blagojevich, changes in the religious sphere after the end of the communist period relate to the entire spectrum of relations in which religion and the church, society and the state are involved, and they also include internal changes in the religious-church complex itself.15
The revival of religion has made it possible for adherents of traditional churches and religious communities to meet with representatives of religious minorities in the public space. As for non-Protestant religious minorities, after 1989-1990, many new evangelical missions in Serbia and Romania, as in other post-communist countries, contributed to the strengthening of existing evangelical communities and the emergence of new ones, some of which received the status of traditional churches. Sociologist Laszlo Fosto believes that the increase in the number of Romanian Pentecostals is part of the process of a worldwide revival of Pentecostalism between 1970 and 199016. Thus, post-communist society has become a place where "old new religions" and "new new religions"intersect17. However, non-Protestant communities that

14. Coleman, S. (2006) "Materializing the Self. Words and Gifts in the Construction of Charismatic Protestant Identity", in Cannell, F. (ed.) Anthropology of Christianity, p. 164. London: Duke University Press.

15. Blagojevic, M. (2005) Religija i crkua и transformacijama drustva: sociolosko-istorijska analiza, p. 16. Beograd: Institut za filozofiju i drustvenu teoriju.

16. Foszto, L. (2009) Ritual Revitalisation after Socialism. Community, Personhood and Conversion among Roma in a Tranylvanian village, p. 52. Berlin: Lit.

17. Barker, E. (1999) "But Who Is Going to Win? National and Minority Religions in Post-Communist Society", Facta Universitatis 2 (6): 54.

page 97
They were formed mainly by the beginning of the XX century, are often perceived as "new" religions, and in public discourse they are usually discredited as "sects". As religious scholar Inna Merdzhanova points out, in post-communist countries that are relatively homogeneous in ethnic and religious terms and in which traditional churches play an important historical role, all religious communities that are not traditional are perceived as new religions, regardless of the time of their emergence. 18 Negative labeling of non-Protestant communities is also influenced by ignorance of the Protestant tradition in general, especially of modern Protestant denominations in regions where the Orthodox Christian tradition dominates. 19
Religious communities in Serbia: legal framework

Serbia (as a secular State) guarantees freedom of religion and worship for all registered religious communities. Relations between religious communities largely depend on the Law on Churches and Religious Associations adopted in 2006, according to which all churches and religious communities are divided into two groups: (1) traditional churches and religious associations, and (2) confessional associations. Traditional religious associations include the Serbian Orthodox Church, the Roman Catholic Church, the Slovak Evangelical Church of the Augsburg Confession, the Reformed Christian Church, the Evangelical Christian Church, and Jewish and Islamic religious communities. Confessional associations are communities that are registered in the Register of Churches and Religious Associations according to certain registration rules; there are 16 of them in total, and most of them are non-Protestant associations. The law has been the subject of controversy and debate since its adoption by the Serbian Parliament in 2006. The Law defines the general status of the above-mentioned seven "traditional churches" and religious communities on the basis of many centuries of historical continuity,

18. Merdjanova, I. (2001) "Religious Liberty, New Religious Movements and Traditional Christian Churches in Eastern Europe", Religion, State & Society 29 (4): 271.

19. Noll, M. (2004) The Rise of Evangelicalsim, p. 421. Downers Grove: IVC Academic.

page 98
and the legal status is based on laws passed between 1914 and 193020. The number of" confessional associations " includes those communities that were registered in the period 1953_1977 according to the legislation of socialist Yugoslavia. Traditional churches and religious associations, unlike confessional ones, have the right to organize confessional religious education in schools and are not subject to re-registration under the new laws.

In the public discourse, support for poly-confessionalism, especially in the northern part of Serbia - Vojvodina, is limited to "traditional churches" and religious communities, while "confessional communities" are guaranteed the right to freedom of religion, according to the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia. Based on legal and constitutional provisions, it seems that members of all religious communities have equal rights to freedom of religion, although this is not always observed in practice. Registration of small religious communities is not necessary in order for them to receive both the status of a confessional community and the status of a legal entity. Some communities refused to be re-registered, considering that in this way they were "deprived of historical continuity" in this territory and violated their rights. Another problem faced by members of small religious communities is the name of their religious organization when registering. Thus, article 19 of the Law states:: "The Register may not include a religious organization whose name or part of its name is identical to the name of a church, religious community, or religious organization that has already been entered in the Register or has already applied for registration." In any case, this provision of the Law does not contribute to understanding the real religious diversity and indicates ignorance of the current state of Pentecostal communities, including the Christian Church of the Brethren (Hristova crkva brape), the Church of Evangelical Christians, the Christian Spiritual Church "Nogoprani"21 (Hristova Spiritual crkva Nogoprani), the Christian Spiritual Church

20. Vukomanovic, М. (2008) Homo viator. Religija i novo doba, p. 114. Beograd: Cigoja.

21. "Nogoprani" (Serbian) - lit. "Washing your feet". A Pentecostal church that practices foot washing as a supplement to the sacrament of communion.

page 99
"Malokrshteni "22 (Hristova dukhovna crkva "Malokrshteni"), Free Church of God (Slobodna crkva Bozhsha), God's Church of Saints (Bozhija crkva svetih)23. Small religious communities, because of the stereotypes associated with them and the distrustful attitude of society towards them, very often follow the strategy of "invisibility", trying to avoid the potential conflicts inherent in negative stereotyping.24 By isolating themselves from society in a kind of "religious ghetto", they try to "protect" their religious identity. One of the biggest challenges faced by non-Protestant communities (other than the registration process) concerns religious instruction, which was introduced into the State education system in 2001. Since only "traditional" churches and religious associations can teach religion, children from families belonging to" confessional communities " cannot receive religious education in accordance with their religion. The fact that only certain churches and religious communities have the right to religious education indicates inequality and discrimination against other registered religious communities, including numerous neo-Protestants.

Vojvodina: the specifics of a multi-ethnic and multi-confessional space

The multi - ethnic and multi-confessional nature of Vojvodina is one of its most important characteristics, both in the past and in the present, which distinguishes it as a specific region not only of Serbia, but of the whole of Central Europe. The ethnic heterogeneity of Vojvodina is determined by the presence, in addition to the Serbian majority, of various ethnic communities, such as Romanians, Hungarians, Gypsies, Slovaks, Czechs, Slovenes, Germans, Croats, Bunevtsy, Rusyns and others. During XX

22. "Malokrshteni" (Serbian) - lit. "Baptized at an early age". A Pentecostal church, in whose religious practice baptism is performed in infancy.

23. Data from the National Bureau of Statistics of Serbia [http://pod2.stat.gov.rs/Objav ljenePublikacije/Popis2011/Knjiga4_Veroispovest. pdf, accessed on 19.05.2014)].

24. Sakaja, L. and Reinhard, H. (2007) "Nisa u konfliktnome prostoru: razvoj Baptisticke crkve na podrucju Petrinje, Gline, Siskai Dvora", Migracijske i etnicke teme 23 (1 - 2): 104.

page 100
Over the centuries, the ethnic composition of Vojvodina underwent major changes, which resulted in a decrease in the number of Germans and the relocation of "colonists" here, primarily Serbs from the Dinaric Highlands. But even after these changes, Vojvodina is also a multi-confessional region: among the most numerous religious communities are Orthodox, Catholics, Uniates (Greek Catholics), Lutherans, Reformed, Methodists, Nazarenes, Adventists, Pentecostals and Baptists. In addition to the Serbian Orthodox Church, there is also a Romanian Orthodox Church with a very active and large community. Hungarians, Croats and Slovenes belong to the Roman Catholic Church. Protestant churches in Serbia are ethnically oriented, and in Vojvodina, Slovaks belong to the Slovak Evangelical Church, while Hungarians belong to the Evangelical Christian Church and the Reformed Christian Church. Unlike traditional churches, confessional (neo-Protestant) communities are oriented supranationally. Therefore, neo-Protestant communities are characterized by a pronounced ethnic heterogeneity and openness to people of different nationalities. Conversion to neo-Protestantism since the beginning of the 20th century, when the first communities appeared here, took place primarily in Protestant - German and Hungarian-environments, but over time, many ethnic Orthodox, Serbs and Romanians began to convert to Protestantism. It can be said that conversion to Protestantism is least typical for Catholics and Muslims of Vojvodina.

Long-term qualitative studies have shown that non-protestants are present in most urban and rural localities of Vojvodina 25. The study of three regions of Vojvodina-Banat, Bacca and Sirmium-focused on Banat, where the neo-Protestant community is the largest. Among the members of the neo-Protestant communities, the majority are ethnic Slovaks, Serbs, Romanians and Hungarians. The empirical study used the semi-formalized interview method

25. Field studies of non-Protestant communities have been conducted since 2008 under the project of the Institute for Balkan Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts. The results of these studies were presented in an interdisciplinary monograph (Urih-Milovanovih A., Maran M., Sikimih B. Rumunske verske zajednice u Banatu. Прилог проучаваœу мултиконфесионалности Војводине. 2011), as well as in other scientific publications.

page 101
and enabled surveillance. Based on interviews conducted with neo-Protestants, it can be concluded that the lack of hierarchy, supranationalism and equality are strong factors that determine cohesion in ethnically mixed communities, and evangelization and missionary work play an important role in attracting new believers. Unlike traditional churches, neo-Protestants tend to take a different approach to spreading their teachings, which is based on their dogma and consists in spreading the Gospel. At the same time, there are also very conservative Nazarenes among neo-Protestants, who are not focused on spreading the Gospel, strictly follow strict moral and ethical principles of their teaching, and do not engage in "religious marketing", unlike Adventists, Pentecostals and Baptists, who spread their faith through direct Evangelization.

In the settlements of Vojvodina, missionary events are constantly held, during which believers try to convey their teachings to the local society and introduce it to the Gospel. According to the data obtained during the field study, relevant meetings are announced by posting printed announcements containing the date, venue and topic of the event. Because members of non-Protestant organizations have a negative public image, ads often do not mention which particular congregation is organizing the mission meeting. One of these Adventist church announcements, recorded during field research in the village of Mesic, Banat, identified the Life and Health Association as the organizer. It is obvious that neo-Protestants resort to a kind of "religious mimicry" - even in a multi-confessional environment, which is considered more tolerant than a mono-confessional one. Such a "strategy", however, ensures that a large number of people are involved in missionary activities.

New forms of missionary activity are also emerging. In fact, as David Martin points out, "in today's world of mass communication and geographic mobility, missionary work is no longer necessary. Missionaries do exist, of course, but even if they didn't, evangelical expansion would be almost exactly the same, because of the possibility of spreading the faith through personal or family contacts. The speed at which people move

page 102
and ideas are growing all the time."26 Although this thesis is true in the Western European or American situation, it is also relevant in Serbia. An increasing number of congregations are establishing their own websites, using various social networks or Internet media resources (radio and television); specialized television programs of some congregations can also be viewed in other countries via satellite; many neo-Protestant congregations broadcast sermons online, thereby providing a virtual presence of believers at worship services.

Ethnicity and religion of neo-protestants in Vojvodina

In today's Vojvodina, a certain religious identity is often assigned to ethnic communities in advance: Romanians and Serbs-Orthodox, Hungarians-Catholics, Slovaks-Protestants, Ruthenians-Greek Catholics, etc.However, modern religious transformations indicate the heterogeneity of religious identity within one ethnic community, often out of habit considered as mono-confessional. It should be noted that both the social majority and the elite insist on defining "true and desired identity", emphasizing the need to preserve "traditional identities and cultural patterns"27. Thus, when it comes to neo-Protestant communities, religious diversity is not always perceived positively. On the other hand, traditional churches see neo-Protestant communities as a potential threat to "lure" believers. One of the key differences between ethnically homogeneous Protestant communities and supranational neo-Protestant communities is that the latter emphasize the greater importance of confessional identity over ethnic identity.

Openness to different ethnic groups explains the ethnic heterogeneity of neo-Protestant communities and the high rate of mixed marriages. Studies conducted in the 20th century in Vojvodina have shown that in some communities the ethnic

26. Martin, D.Porast evangelizma i njegove politicke implikacije, p. 53.

27. Milojevic, I. (2011) "Globalizacija, konflikt, interkulturalnost: stari identiteti i identitetu u nastajanju", Interkulturalnost 2: 13.

page 103
endogamy was very strong. In neo-Protestant communities, belonging to one religious community is the only requirement for marriage. The emphasis on (ethnic) equality in supranational neo-Protestant communities as a condition for religious cohesion plays an important role in spreading evangelical communities with their universal message, which reads::

We are not saying that we are a Romanian or Serbian church. The Church can only be Christ's. They are reviving the nation, not what we preach, that is, only the gospel 28.//The Adventist Church is supranational, and there is no problem. There are Slovaks, Romanians, and Hungarians in our church communities 29.//In our society, the nation is associated with religion, if you are a Serb, then you are Orthodox, if you are a true Romanian, you must be Orthodox. There is no difference. I am also talking about the Roma, who are the most discriminated against in our society. We don't make any difference 30.

Although the relationship between ethnicity and religion is complex and it is not easy to come to final conclusions, however, based on the conducted research, it can be said that neo - Protestants have a more pronounced sense of belonging to this religious community. As a religion of "personal transformation", neo-Protestantism, in all its various forms, does not consider ethnicity / nationality to be important for religious practice.31 A sense of community for neo-Protestants is formed on the basis of a new-religious-identity.

Looking at religious organizations in Yugoslavia, Sabrina Rame proposed a three-part classification. The first group includes the Roman Catholic and Serbian Orthodox Churches, which play the role of historical and leading churches in the region.

28. Field materials of the author (PMA): M. M., a man, a follower of the Pentecostal Church, Vrsac, Serbia, 05.12.2010 (a. Djuric-Milovanovic).

29. PMA: P. T., male follower of the Adventist Church, Vladimirovac, Serbia, 10.04-2011 (A. Djuric-Milovanovic).

30. PMA: N. S., male follower of the Pentecostal Church, Vrsac, Serbia, 05.12.2010 (A. Djuric-Milovanovic).

31. Foszto, L. Ritual Reuitalisation after Socialism. Community, Personhood and Conversion among Roma in a Tranylvanian Village, p. 56.

page 104
one nation. The second category includes "ethnic churches", which are mainly oriented towards minorities, and which Rame defines as "national" in form, but not capable of playing the role of a "national leader" (the Lutheran Church for Germans before World War II or the Reformed Church for Hungarians). The third group consists of "non-national churches" whose ideology does not attach importance to national culture (Baptists, Adventists, Jehovah's Witnesses, etc.) 32." Non-national churches " are all neo-Protestant communities in which believers do not pay attention to nationality and believe that everyone is equal before God, according to the New Testament, where the Apostle Paul writes: Paul declares this principle:" There is neither Jew nor Gentile, there is neither slave nor free, there is neither male nor female: for you are all one in Christ Jesus " (Galatians 3:28).33
The concept of "narrativization"is of particular importance for understanding the new religious experience that arises in the process of conversion to neo-Protestantism itself. Manuela Canton Delgado, who has studied Pentecostal communities among Romani people in southern Spain, speaks of narratives of coherence that "redirect the sense of belonging through new contacts, new social connections, etc."34 These narratives reinforce the sense of solidarity among members of a community, especially if it is of mixed ethnic composition, and in this way create a sense of solidarity among the members of the community. In this way, a new collective identity is created on a religious basis. Peter Stromberg draws attention to the special role of language in shaping identity and constructing reality, which is reflected in language and the narrative of conversion. 35 Analyzing the narratives of Evangelical Christians, he identifies "canonical" and "metaphorical" languages. The first one relates to a broad religious context and is actualized through the direct binding of language to individual experience. When using unknown words to define something new and unknown,

32. Ramet, S. (1992) Protestantism and Politics in Eastern Europe and Russia. The Communist and Postcommunist Eras. Durham, London: Duke University Press.

33. Буриh-Миловановиh А., Маран М., Сикимиh Б. Румунске верске заједнице у Банату. Прилог проучаваœу мултиконфесионалности Војводине. 2011. C. 68.

34- Delgado, С. (2010) "Gypsy Pentecostalism, Ethnopolitical Uses and Construction of Belonging in the South of Spain", Social Compass 57: 256.

35. Stromberg, P. (1993) Language and Self-Transformation: a Study of the Christian Conversion Narrative, p. 11. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

page 105
metaphorical language is used. In this sense, it is opposed to the canonical language and can encompass "linguistic incoherence, psychological symptoms, religious and artistic symbolism" .36 In the conversion narrative, the canonical language becomes the defining language due to its stable reference values, while the metaphorical language serves as a source of interpretation 37.

Based on the conducted research, it can be concluded that the assimilation of the "canonical" language among neo-Protestants is an integral part of the narrative of conversion and the broader religious discourse. Respondents associate the canonical language with the individual experience of conversion, which can be conveyed by the expressions "surrender to God", "convert"," repent"," be baptized in the Holy Spirit","be a friend of the Lord". Canonical language in neo-Protestant communities expresses the belief that conversion brings personal change, that every believer follows the path of Christ and has a personal relationship with God, that everyone in the community is equal, and so on.

Since belonging to a community turns out to have nothing to do with belonging to any one ethnic group, neo-Protestants "find" new believers among adherents of other religions, who convert to neo-Protestantism through baptism. Studying Romani neo-Protestant communities in Serbia, Dragan Todorovich distinguishes between "intracultural" and "intercultural" conversion, interpreting the former as a transition from one religious tradition to another within one religious system (for example, from Orthodoxy to Protestantism) or as the entry into a religious community of a person who previously did not belong to any religious tradition. This type of conversion does not imply changes in the cultural identity of believers. For its part, "cross-cultural" conversion implies major changes in the cognitive, emotional, and value dimensions of a person's life (for example, conversion from Christianity to Islam).38. According to this distinction

36. Stromberg, P. Language and Self-Transformation: a Study of the Christian Conversion Narrative, p. 13.

37. Сремац С. Зависност, религија, идентитет. Предлог за наративну анализу сведочанстава конверзије бивших зависника. Сремски Карловси - Нови Сад: Издавачка кœижарница Зорана Стојановиžа, 2012. C. 13.

38. Тодоровиh Д. Протестантизација Рома југоисточне Србије (необјавšена докторска дисертација). Београд: Филозофски факултет, 2011. C. 195 - 196

page 106
the transition to neo-Protestantism can be defined as "intracultural", as it occurs within the Christian tradition, namely from Orthodoxy to neo-Protestantism.

The prevailing discourse in neo-Protestant communities emphasizes that differences in language, ethnicity, social status, and age are insignificant, while at the same time emphasizing the idea that believers are part of a community and brotherhood. This equality of believers is expressed by addressing each other as "brother" or" sister", which also indicates the important role of the community in supranational religious groups. The phrase "brotherhood of salvation" marks members of its community as distinct from other, unconverted members of an ethnic group still living "in the world." A new identity is created from the moment of joining the community and largely determines the relationship of converts with the " outside world "and with" others", while the new language that believers learn strengthens the ties between members of a particular community. Thus, according to Vauter Dumont, religion "is seen as the most important element that defines 'sameness and otherness', and not 'ethnic' identity " 39. The respondents themselves noted the existence of a standard identification in the public discourse of Serb-Orthodox, Romanian-Orthodox:

In our society, nationality is closely linked to religion, if you are a Serb, then you are Orthodox, if you are a true Romanian, you must be Orthodox 40.

The creation of new cultural distinctions between, for example, neo-Protestants and Orthodox Christians affects the strengthening of symbolic boundaries between ethnically identical but religiously different communities of Serbs or Romanians. Awareness of belonging to a certain ethnic community, of course, remains to a certain extent, but it is not expressed to the same extent as among Orthodox Serbs and Romanians. The question of self-determination was raised directly in the interviews conducted, while in most cases this was not the case.

39. Dumont, W (2003) "Immigrant Religiosity in a Pluri-Ethnic and Pluri-Religious Metropolis: an Initial Impetus for Typology", Journal of Contemporary Religion 18 (3): 379.

40. PMA: M. M., male, follower of the Pentecostal Church, Vrsac, Serbia, 05.12.2010 (A. Djuric-Milovanovic).

page 107
it happened indirectly. During the interview, most respondents spontaneously entered the following ethnonyms: Romanian, Serbian, Slovak, Hungarian. When asked who they consider themselves, the interviewees answered Serb/Serbian, Romanian/Romanian:

I would say I'm Romanian, but that doesn't mean anything to me. Sometimes people ask me if Romanians are Orthodox or Catholic by religion. And I really don't know 41.

Changes in religious identity lead to the adoption of new cultural models. Conversion to neo-Protestantism is a transformation of the Self, and our interlocutors say that they have become "true believers", "true Christians". The conversion process is completed by water baptism through full immersion. Baptism symbolizes the "death" of a past life, the forgiveness of sins, and the rejection of all worldly temptations.42 The transition to neo-Protestantism has an impact on the daily life of believers, on their habits and behavior. Changes in the cultural practice of believers after conversion lead to the fact that they are perceived by the public majority as "Other". Conversion means accepting a new, neo-Protestant ethic, which implies a highly moral life, honesty, conscientiousness, mutual assistance, hard work, and removal from all vices. Assimilation of the doctrine of a given religious community and "familiarity" with the Bible also significantly change the life of a convert:

If one wants to join a community, one must first have faith, that is the first thing, and give up worldly habits 43. / / Some say, I cannot observe this, but I say, yes, there is nothing to observe but to throw off the burden of sin: don't steal, don't lie, pray to God 44.

41. PMA: E. M., female follower of the church "Nazarenes", Novoe Selo, Banat, Serbia, 04-10.2010 (A. Djuric-Milovanovic).

42. Славкова М. Рудари у источној Бугарској и јеванhеоски покрет // Баœаши на Балкану. Идентитет етничке заједнице. Beograd: Balkanoloski institut Publ., 2005, p. 288.

43. PMA: L. R., male, follower of the church "Nazarenes", Izbiste, Serbia, 18.11.2008 (A. Djuric-Milovanovic).

44. PMA: K. M., a woman, a follower of the Pentecostal Church, Vojvodnica, Serbia, 15.07.2008 (A. Djuric-Milovanovic).

page 108
At the same time, it should be noted that all the main elements of traditional religious culture (for example, the cult of the dead and calendar holidays) are known to neo-Protestants, that is, we cannot speak of their complete isolation from local society.45 Believers who were born into Orthodox families and later converted to neo-Protestantism have a passive knowledge of traditional culture. So, the Serbian Baptists claim that they do not go to the Orthodox to celebrate Glory46 and do not celebrate it themselves:

We don't go to home Glory. We used to practice this before, when we were Orthodox. But now, in these evangelical cults, nothing is celebrated that is not from Jesus Christ, that is, Christmas, Resurrection and Ascension, but not St. Elijah or St. Nicholas. We would change our faith 47 / / We do not go to Glory and on the days of commemoration of the dead (smothers)48.

Thus, non-Protestant Serbs develop a new tradition that emphasizes differences from the dominant Orthodox religious culture, and create their own cultural model. Despite the differences that exist between neo-Protestants themselves, there is a certain unification of this model, which is largely due to the adoption of a new religious discourse, new holidays, clothing, food, etc.

45. Sikimic, В. (гон) "Rumunski jezik i kultura grkokatolickih i neoprotestantskih zajednica Banata: antropolosko lingvisticki uvid", in Rumunske verske zajednice и Banatu. Prilog proucavanju multikonfesionalnosti Vojvodine, p. 107. Vrsac: Mihailo Palo.

46. Slava (Serbian) Slava; Krsna Slava) - here: typical for the Serbian Orthodox and folk Orthodox traditions, collective celebrations in honor of the day of the saint-the family (ancestral) patron. Being an integral part of the local religious culture, Slava is one of the components of the cultural and ethnic identity of Serbs. Individual and collective Fame is incorporated into the surrounding area traditions (in Macedonia, Bulgaria, Montenegro, Bosnia and Romania).

47. PMA: M. N., follower of the Baptist Church, Moldova-Veche, Romania, 09.08.2010 (A. Djuric-Milovanovic).

48. PMA: M. O., follower of the Baptist Church, Radimna, Romania, 10.08.2010 (A. Djuric-Milovanovic).

page 109
Concluding remarks

The main feature of modern religious culture is the growing interest in what Paul Hilas called "personal religion." 49 Neo-Protestantism is in most cases a religion of personal choice, offering a new form of alternative Christian tradition, and on the other hand, strict morality and often doctrinal conservatism. Some authors define neo-Protestantism as a "culturally neutral form of Christianity", and this means that in modern society, various areas of neo-Protestantism are becoming attractive to representatives of different ethnic groups. 50
Despite the pronounced multiethnic and multi-confessional nature of Vojvodina, this region is characterized by a rigid identification of ethnic communities with a certain religious tradition. On the other hand, ethnically diverse neo-Protestant communities construct a new religious identity based on shared religious values. In these communities, the discourse of ethnic identity is aimed at forming a supranational discourse that emphasizes equality within the community, as well as ignoring the ethnicity of believers and the corresponding differences.

At the same time, in the modern world, with its huge diversity, it is impossible to choose only one identity. A person can have several identities, which means that ethnic and religious identities lose the quality of static categories. The conclusion we can draw is that in neo-Protestant communities, it is religious identity that has become a key element in defining "similarity" and "otherness", pushing ethnic identity into the background. All of the above is an example of modern religious transformations in post-communist societies, which are faced, in particular, with the changing role of traditional churches and the phenomenon of new forms of religiosity.

Translated from Serbian by Alina Murenkova-Kostrichenko

49. Heelas, P. (1996) The New Age Movement. Oxford: Blackwell.

50. Foszto, L. and Kiss, D. (2012) "Pentecostalism in Romania. The Impact of Pentecostal Communities on the Life-Style of the Members", La ricerca Folklorica 65: 51 - 64.

page 110
Bibliography/References

Field materials

Interview of the author-M. M., male follower of the Pentecostal Church, Vrsac, Serbia, 05 - 12. 2010; P. T., male follower of the Adventist Church, Vladimirovac, Serbia, 10. 04-2011; N. S., male follower of the Pentecostal Church, Vrsac, Serbia, 05.12.2010 (A. Djuric-Milovanovic); E. M., female follower of the Nazarene Church, Novoe Selo, Banat, Serbia, 04-10. 2010; L. R., male, female follower of the Nazarene Church, Izbiste, Serbia, 18. 11. 2008; K. M., female follower of the Pentecostal church Voevodnica, Serbia, 15.07-2008; M. N., follower of the Baptist Church, Moldova Veche, Romania, 09.08. 2010 (A. Djuric-Milovanovic); M. O., follower of the Baptist Church, Radimna, Romania, 10.08. 2010.

Literature

Алексов Б. Назарени меhу Србима: верска трвеœа у јужној Угарској и Србији од 1850. до 1914. Beograd: Zavod za Urubenike Publ., 2010.

Славкова М. Рудари у источној Бугарској и Јеванhеоски покрет // Баœаши на Балкану - идентитет етничке заједнице. Beograd: Balkanolo, SANU Institute, 2005, pp. 277-294.

Сремац С. Зависност, религија, идентитет. Сремски Карловци - Нови Сад: Издавачка кœижарница Зорана Стојановиžа, 2012.

Тодоровиh Д. Протестантизација Рома југоисточне Србије (необјавšена докторска дисертација). Београд: Филозофски Факултет у Београду, 2011.

Alexov, В. (2010) "Nazareni medu Srbima: vrska trven Iuzhnoi Ugarskoi i Srbii od 1850 do igi4" [Religious dissent between the Modern and the National, Nazarenes in Hungary and Serbia 1850 - 1914]. Beograd: Zavod za udzbenike.

Barker, E. (1999) "But Who's Going to Win? National and Minority Religions in Post-Communist Society", Facta Universitatis 2 (6): 49 - 74.

Casanova, J. (1994) Public Religions in the Modern World. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Coleman, S. (2006) "Materializing the Self. Words and Gifts in the Construction of Char-izmatic Protestant Identity", in Cannell, F. (ed.) Anthropology of Christianity, pp. 163 - 184. Durham, London: Duke University Press.

Delgado, C. (2010) "Gypsy Pentecostalism, Ethnopolitical Uses and Construction of Belonging in the South of Spain", Social Compass 57: 253 - 267.

Dumont, W (2003) "Immigrant Religiosity in a Pluri-Ethnic and Pluri-Religious Metropolis: an Initial Impetus for a Typology", Journal of Contemporary Religion 18 (3): 369 - 384.

Duric-Milovanovic, A., Maran, M. and Sikimic, B. (2011) Rumunske verske zajednice и Ва-natu. Prilog proucavanju multikonfesionalnosti Vojvodine [Romanian religious communities in Banat. A contribution to the study on multiconfessionality of Vojvodina]. Vrsac: Mihailo Palov.

Ervije-Leze, D. (2009) Prenosenje religioznih identiteta [Transmittng of religious identities], in Identitet (i). Pojedinac, grupa, drustvo [Identities. Individuals, group, society], pp. 178 - 189. Beograd: Clio.

page 111
Foszto, L. (2009) Ritual Revitalisation after Socialism. Community, Personhood and Conversion among Roma in a Transylvanian Village. Berlin: Lit.

Foszto, L. and Kiss, D. (2012) "Pentecostalism in Romania. The Impact of Pentecostal Communities on the Life-Style of the Members", La Ricerca Folklorica 65: 51 - 64.

Freston, P. (1997) "Charismatic Evangelicals in Latin America: Mission and Politics on the Frontiers of Protestant Growth", in Hunt, S., Hamilton, M. and Walter, T. (eds) Charismatic Christianity. Sociological Perspectives. New York: St. Martin's Press.

Heelas, P. (1996) The New Age Movement. Oxford: Blackwell.

Kuburic, Z. (2010) Verske zajednice и Srbiji i verska distanca [Religious Communities in Serbia and Religious Distance]. Novi Sad: CEIR.

Martin, D. (2008) "Porast evangelizma i njegove politicke implikacije" [The Evangelical upsurge and its political implications], in Berger, P. (ed.) Desekularizacija sveta [The desecularization of the world], pp. 51 - 65. Novi Sad: Mediterran publishing.

Merdjanova, I. (2001) "Religious Liberty, New Religious Movements and Traditional Christian Churches in Eastern Europe", Religion, State & Society 29 (4): 265 - 304.

Milojevic, I. (2001) "Globalizacija, konflikt, interkulturalnost: stari identiteti i identiteti u nastajanju" [Globalisation, conflict, interculturality: new and emerging identities], Interkulturalnost 2: 8 - 28.

Noll, M. (2004) The Rise of Evangelicalism. Downers Grove: IVC Academic.

Parker, С. С1998) "Modern Popular Religion. A Complex Object of Study for Sociology", International sociology 13 (2): 195 - 212.

Ramet, S. (1992) Protestantism and Politics in Eastern Europe and Russia. The Communist and Post-Communist Eras. Durham: Duke University Press.

Sikimic, B. (2011) "Rumunski jezik i kultura grkokatolickih i neoprotestantskih zajednica Banata: antropolosko lingvisticki uvid" [Romanian language and culture of Greek-Catholic and neo-Protestant communities in Banat: an antropo-linguistic insight], in Rumunske verske zajednice и Banatu. Prilog proucavanju multikonfesionalnos-ti Vojvodine [Romanian religious communities in Banat. A contribution to the study on multiconfessionality of Vojvodina], pp. 83 - 128. Vrsac: "Mihailo Palov".

Slavkova, M. (2005) Rudari u istocnoi Bugarsoi I Ievandeoski pokret [The Rudari from Eastern Bulgaria and the Evangelistic Movement], in Baniashi na Balkanu - identitet etnicke zaiednice [The Bayash of the Balkans - identity of an ethnic community], pp. 277 - 294. Beograd: Balkanaloshki institut SANU

Sremac, C. (2012) Zavisnost, religiia, identitet [Addiction, religion, identity]. Sremski Kar-lovci -Novi Sad: Izdavacka knMzharnica Zorana Stoianovica.

Stromberg, P. (1993) Language and Self-Transformation: a Study of the Christian Conversion Narrative. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Sakaja, L. and Reinhard, H. (2007) Nisa u konfliktnome prostoru: razvoj Baptisticke crkve na podrucju Petrinje, Gline, Siska i Dvora [A niche in a conflict area: the development of the Baptist church in the areas of Petrinja, Glina, Sisak and Dvor], Migraci-jske i etnicke teme 23 (1 - 2): 85 - 110.

Todorovic, D. (2011) Protestanozaciia Roma iugoistocne Srbiie (neob'avVena doktorska desertaciia) [Protestantization of Roma population from the southeastern Serbia]. Beograd: Filozofski Fakultet u Beogradu.

Vudhed, L. (2009) Sekularizacija i sakralizacija [Secularization and sacralization], in Re-ligije sveta [World religions], pp. 445 - 448. Beograd: Mladinska knjiga.

Vukomanovic, M. (2008) Homo viator, religija i novo doba [Homo viator, religion and new age]. Beograd: Cigoja.

page 112

Permanent link to this publication: